Nivek wrote:And, as long as I'm kvetching, I'm also sick of people telling me what someone else's motivations are. As in, Obama wants to turn America into a socialist nation. Or, Romney wants to take away your healthcare. Any time I hear some blowhard start with something like, "What he's really trying to do is..." I want to know how the blowhard knows. Did you talk to the guy? Did he tell you that's what he was trying to do? Is this something you're inferring? Making up?
This is an interesting conversation; I hope I can ask a question without derailing...
The two examples you gave for "someone else's motivations" seem completely different from me. Motive addresses the question of "why" -- why doers somebody support a particular policy. "Obama is secretly a Muslim who hates America and is working as a fifth columnist to destroy the country." That's an imputation of motive. "Romney is a Mormon stalking horse trying to posthumously baptize nonbelievers," or "Romney is a class warrior who wants to steal from working Americans to enrich his hedge fund buddies" -- those are imputed motives.
"Romney wants to take away your healtcare" doesn't seem to be of the same kind. It's an empirical question that doesn't get to the "why" question. It's just a question of which policy he or she actually supports. With Romney, as you note, it takes far too much work to figure out what he actually supports, and assertions of the sort are a necessary step in the process of figuring it out. "Romney wants to outlaw abortion." "Romney wants to privatize Social Security." "Romney wants to invade Iran." "Romney wants to pass a 5 trillion dollar tax cut." Those are of a type with your healthcare statement. They are interpretations of his policy preferences, in some cases direct, in some cases extrapolations. They are falsifiable, and have at least some colorable support.
Do you really think your two examples are semantically equivalent?
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On your more direct point, I trace the re-introduction of motive questions fairly directly to Charles Krauthammer and the nascent neoconservatives at The New Republic in the 1980s. Krauthammer was something of a genius at descrying illicit motives in people who disagreed with him, usually antisemitism, but philo-communism often went hand in hand.
There is a long history of the tactic in both rhetoric and American politics (John Adams & George Washington were secret monarchists, Thomas Jefferson was a French-loving libertine), but its use has ebbed and flowed. It was a very focused tactic from the 40s through the 70s, targeted acutely at Communists and socialists by McCarthy etc. It has been used more broadly since the 80s.
Richard Hofstadter's
The Paranoid Style in American Politics is an interesting, if archaic, read on the subject.