GONYK wrote:Well I wasn't disputing the merits of your claim. I wasn't even disputing you. I was pushing back against something K-DOT said
That being said, I think there is some static to your claim, which is why I don't think Bernie is as much of a slam dunk as you do, but that's neither here nor there.
Ah, I see now that you were more focused on who the Dems are focused on appealing to portion of the post rather than the top part which comported with my main line of thinking on that thread of discussion, my bad
I can see an interesting direction for that discussion in asking "how are the Dems attempting to appeal to each demographic." Biden may have won the black vote, but his appeal to black voters was based heavily on his connections rather than promises moving forward (as a disclaimer this section is purely speculative). For clarity's sake, what I'm saying here is Biden's focus has been more about comparison to Trump than what he's actually promising to black voters.
Lot's of "I believe's" incoming. I feel like that's why Biden did a better job of addressing criticisms than looking forward in the Charlemagne interview; he's not nearly as polished at expressing the material benefits of his platform with any real detail. I bet if he'd gotten into a bit of detail about his plan for HBCU's, Charlemagne's interview on Joy Reid might have taken a different tone.
I also think that's why we see the Charlemagne's and the Diddy's of the world attempting to leverage their votes for answers on how Biden intends to help their communities. Biden can coast on "better than Trump," hell that was Clyburn's handling of the gaffe. He said "I cringed...but Trump" and that's Biden's line for every person of color (I identify my concerns with latinx voters and most specifically Puerto Ricans) "...but Trump." Vague answers about doing more just don't work for me and I understand why they don't convince Diddy or Charlemagne. This is why I really think Biden should adopt Booker's baby bonds proposal and platform the hell out of it's potential benefits toward income inequality.
GONYK wrote:The goal should be to win the primary until you win the primary.
If you want to overhaul the primary process, I'm all for it, starting with deferring places like Iowa and NH. I'm not sure the current process is what did Bernie in though. The lack of black vote was coming for him one way or another. If you want to push back when the majority of the black vote weighs in because they are in the South, I'd wonder where the balance would be struck where they still feel like they have been represented in the process.
I don't blame the process for Bernie's loss, hell, Obama had to step in and every moderate involved had to quit in the same narrow window just to stop Bernie from winning. Bernie lost to networking and machine politics.
But I do look at the process as one that puts outsized value on states that don't bring as much value in a general election. NY/NJ votes are marginalized this time around regardless of race, but South Carolina became the flashpoint in deciding an election. I'm not positive of the best way to address that, but it doesn't really add up to me.
GONYK wrote:Sure, but you can't just paper over that the base and majority of voters preferred someone over Bernie as their primary option when given the choice.
That result is certainly informed by the campaign he chose to run and election strategy he chose to pursue. He didn't court the base because he that thought the primary would stay fractured long enough that he didn't need them. He never expanded his base.
I know it is a fun meme that black people only like Biden because of Obama, but he has pretty deep roots in places like South Carolina that he's established over decades. That counts for something.
A large criticism of the Bernie campaign from black community is that Bernie didn't do the "retail politics". You can make the argument that you don't have to do that when you are drawing in massive crowds, but it's something that the black community he desperately needed values.
Like I keep saying, you have to win the primary before you can win the general. For better or worse.
To reiterate though, my focus up to this point has been on taking the "Joe Biden's more electable" topic and exploring it. In this instance, I'd paper over preferred choice in the primary because my focus comes down to "will vote for against Trump." I take your point more broadly, but where I was coming at this, it's neither here nor there.
My concern with Biden's deep roots is I wonder how much is symbolic and how much is based on material benefits. The man doesn't have a great answer for "what have you done for black people" nor does he have a great answer for "what will you do for black people." I have even less faith in his ability to appeal to my constituency. Not after PROMESA or the deportations of the Obama administration. Bernie isn't great on the marketing to black voters tip either, but I'd wager his platform to bring more material benefit to ALL marginalized communities over Biden's.
Well, I certainly want to see Joe extend the olive branch, I think he's done that in a lot of ways people didn't expect so far. I'm hoping he picks a Veep that does that even more.
I do think the people who are pushing him to just adopt Bernie's platform wholesale are entirely unreasonable though, and he has the right to push back on that.
Has he done anything that's material or is it all symbolic? We saw the "working group" thing with Tom Perez. We got crumbs and the the unity commission was used as a type of shield for processes that they hadn't even proposed or agreed on.
I never really got around to asking you how you felt about Bitecofer being leery of Bernie. Here is what she said:
But even without a big assist from the looming recession, by avoiding a Sanders nomination, and with it, total party meltdown, Democrats are well-positioned for the fall general election. The changes to my original ratings from July 2019 reflect this reality and are universally positive for Democrats. When the original forecast was released, I said that the party’s nominee did not matter at all unless the nominee ended up being Bernie Sanders, and the reason that a Sanders nomination mattered was that it would be “disruptive.”
To illustrate what I mean by that, under a Sanders nomination, it is my belief that the traditionally nonhierarchical and, shall we say, strategically challenged Democratic Party would easily have been pushed both by their well-meaning consultant class and naturally moderate and well-read candidates and by a shrewd, calculating GOP into turning the 2020 cycle into a referendum on socialism instead of what it needs to be for the negative partisanship model to function at capacity: a referendum on Trump. With Sanders as the nominee, most, if not all, of the Democratic Party’s “frontline” candidates would have ended up with a muddled message- liable to spend as much time contrasting themselves with Sanders (and socialism) as their GOP opponents and Trump.
As GOP strategist Rick Wilson aptly points out in his latest book, and former RNC Chairman Michael Steele and I painfully poke fun at in his podcast, Democrats already seem to struggle with the concept of referendum effects and, specifically, the power of tapping into or exploiting them. Due to their deep-rooted (seemingly unshakable) belief in the “median voter theory,” Democratic candidates/consultants/strategists would have fractured into chaos over a Sanders nomination. It would have been an unmitigated disaster the GOP was already positioning themselves to capitalize on. And although the many progressives reading this see Biden’s nomination as an unmitigated disaster, citing his bland moderation, this or that policy from 30 years ago, or general lack of what might be called “stump agility,” I can assure you, Biden fills the role of “generic Democrat” perfectly fine, and that is all that is really required from Democrats to win this election. Because as Sanders supporters are just now coming to learn, while 2016 was about revolution, 2020 is about one thing and one thing only: making the scary, bad man go away.
I like that her evaluation is built on Democrats being terrible strategically and actively pushing against their presidential candidate, because that's where the backfire threat is with Bernie. I'd be curious to see if opportunism beats out kamikaze'ing the party's chances though; we already got a glimpse of typically moderate Congress members moving left of leadership to save their own seats in swing states through the Jayapal Paycheck Guarantee fight. So in this case I can follow Bitcofer's logic and concerns completely, but I think she's underestimating the survival instincts of "frontline" candidates kicking in.
To put it another way, I think the moderate wing would give in to "...But Trump" and align behind Bernie sooner than the progressives will behind Biden (disclaimer though: I do think that progressives and marginalized peoples will broadly accept that argument when it comes time to vote...but they'll be playing for leverage longer).